Loghman Madayen’s Cry Against Russian Interference in Iran: We Are Terrifyingly Colonized by Russia!
According to cinemadrame news agency, Loghman Madayen, an Iranian writer and researcher, in an exclusive commentary, criticized Russia’s aggressive policies and terrifying information colonialism within Iran’s structures. He identified Russia as the main and decisive factor behind the severance of Iran’s relations with the West, writing: The month of Shahrivar holds critical significance in Iran’s political calendar. To accurately assess the current state of affairs, we must not overlook its historical weight. Amid the turbulent days of the revolution, Ayatollah Taleghani—the only truly popular voice of the time—was killed. According to multiple interviews by his children, they assert that their father was assassinated by the Soviets. His daughter, Tahereh, following an independent investigation, discovered that on the night of his death, the Soviet ambassador visited her father along with a delegation and engaged in a two-hour discussion. Reportedly, Ayatollah Taleghani had just washed his hands in preparation for dinner when he greeted the ambassador with a handshake. Shortly thereafter, he became nauseous and suffered a cardiac arrest. Some believe the ambassador’s ring had been contaminated.
His children—Mehdi, Mojtaba, and Tahereh—frequently stated that they requested an autopsy, but their plea was repeatedly denied under the pretext that such a procedure would dishonor a revered cleric. Furthermore, the telephone lines of both of his residences were disconnected simultaneously—suggesting they feared he might escape to his second home after being poisoned. Confidential documents were stolen from his personal safe. His personal bodyguard disappeared that night. The driver, who was supposed to be on standby 24/7, abandoned his post. In the days leading up to the incident, homes of his relatives were broken into, and parts of his records were taken. It was clear he had been targeted.
When his condition worsened, his son-in-law—who was hosting him that night—noted the phone lines were dead but, instead of contacting neighbors or taking him to a nearby hospital, sought out Ayatollah Taleghani’s trusted physician. By the time he returned with a barely functioning oxygen tank, it was too late.
He was pronounced dead on the 19th of Shahrivar. The timing of this assassination is crucial. It occurred precisely when he had taken a firm stance against the People’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI/MEK), which had dealt a major blow to their influence. Until that point, Ayatollah Taleghani had been one of their most prominent supporters. His disavowal isolated the MEK. If he had lived, the organization may not have had the public backing to take up arms and initiate violent campaigns. Many MEK sympathizers respected his word far more than that of Massoud Rajavi. His continued existence would likely have prevented MEK’s militarization.
But was Ayatollah Taleghani the Soviets’ only target? Absolutely not.
To uncover the broader plot, we must go back one year before the Prime Minister’s office bombing. In Mehr 1359 (October 1980), then-Prime Minister Mohammad-Ali Rajai, during a diplomatic meeting, openly confronted the Soviet ambassador, accusing the USSR of supporting Iraq in the war and labeling them as a major weapons supplier to Saddam Hussein. He condemned the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and bluntly declared that the USSR stood against Iran, not with it. The ambassador was reportedly so shocked that he could not respond. Less than a year later, Rajai was assassinated on the 8th of Shahrivar.
I believe Rajai was added to the Soviet kill list that same Mehr of 1359. Even Ayatollah Khomeini—when he publicly declared that China and the USSR were enemies of the Iranian people—found himself on that list. The key operative connecting these events was Keshmiri, the MEK member who infiltrated the government. Initially, Keshmiri planned to assassinate Khomeini, but when that failed, he was assigned to a new mission.
You see, the MEK was not just a political group—it was a Soviet security contractor. Since 1354 (1975), it had been collaborating with the USSR, a fact that was documented in files discovered by Asadollah Lajevardi.
Speaking of Lajevardi, it’s necessary to acknowledge both his strengths and mistakes. Whatever one’s opinion of him, he played a crucial role in disrupting the Soviet agenda in Iran. He was assassinated on the 1st of Shahrivar. Regardless of attempts to demonize or glorify him, one historical fact remains undisputed: he was the man who arrested Mohammad Reza Sa’adati—the Soviet liaison of the MEK—who was caught trying to hand over classified military intelligence about Major General Mogharabi, a known Soviet spy. In return, the Soviets promised the MEK large amounts of weapons and telecommunications equipment.
This was a turning point. Without that arrest, we might never have discovered the depth of Soviet infiltration. Just weeks before the bombing of the Prime Minister’s office, Sa’adati began talking. Through his interrogation, it became clear that Akbar Tariqi had been acting as a courier, delivering classified intelligence to Sa’adati through Keshmiri. Realizing his cover had been blown, Keshmiri quickly executed the bombing operation and fled the country. His final assignment was the assassination of Lajevardi, who had thoroughly disrupted Soviet operations.
Lajevardi’s obsession with dismantling the MEK was well known. There’s an argument that the Islamic Republican Party deliberately pushed the MEK to the edge so they would resort to violence and discredit themselves entirely. But Lajevardi uncovered strong leads indicating widespread Soviet infiltration, all of which pointed back to the MEK. In a country facing war, terrorism, sanctions, and political instability, discovering a second country’s covert control was no small matter.
In fact, Sa’adati had warned Ayatollah Taleghani on the 9th of Aban, 1357, to tell Khomeini not to form a government. He said doing so would lead to a confrontation with the MEK, one that the clerics would ultimately lose. This shows how deeply the Soviets had already planned Iran’s political future.
From the start of his counterintelligence efforts, Lajevardi was marked for assassination. There were multiple failed attempts on his life. Once, in Evin Prison, explosives were found in a vehicle intended to be parked beneath his office. Security was so compromised that he kept a rope ready by his window to escape if needed. His own son has criticized the security apparatus for neglecting his father’s safety, despite multiple credible threats.
The key to this puzzle is Saeed Emami, the intelligence official believed by some to be part of the Soviet-aligned network. His parents were known members of the Tudeh Party. His associate, Mr. A-S, who held sensitive information, disappeared after Emami’s arrest and has never been seen since. A trusted spiritual leader told the family that the man had been secretly relocated to Moscow, fearing for his life in Iran.
This raises a crucial question: How deeply has Russia infiltrated our institutions?
The Soviet hand in the assassination of revolutionary figures didn’t stop with Taleghani, Rajai, or Lajevardi. After a televised debate with Kianouri of the Tudeh Party—long seen as the Communist Party of Iran—Ayatollah Beheshti humiliated the Soviets and their Iranian proxies. He was assassinated less than a month later.
Russia’s desire to dominate Iran spans decades. Even during Reza Shah’s reign, Soviet-aligned forces attempted to replace him with a pro-Russian puppet. When Mohammad Reza Shah leaned toward the U.S., Soviet hostility intensified—just as they reacted when Ukraine turned to NATO.
One major flashpoint was the SALT I surveillance project, a collaboration between Iran and the U.S. under the Shah, which used Iran’s border to monitor Soviet activity. This enraged the USSR. When the MEK shifted its ideology in the mid-70s, the Soviets seized the opportunity and commissioned the assassination of two American military advisors in May 1975.
These advisors were not ordinary personnel—they managed CIA surveillance sites in Behshahr and Kabkan, part of a broader network monitoring Soviet activity. After their assassination, their equipment was handed over to the Soviets.
When the U.S. recognized the Iranian revolution and began sharing intelligence on Iraqi troop movements, the Soviets were alarmed. They needed a disruption—and what better way than to attack the U.S. Embassy?
The first groups to storm the U.S. Embassy were MEK and Feda’i Guerrillas—Soviet foot soldiers—who later handed it over to the “Imam’s students.” This act, falsely glorified by some to this day, was in fact a major Soviet victory.
They labeled the embassy a “den of espionage,” yet every embassy is tasked with monitoring host countries. That’s standard diplomacy. Even Iranian embassies do the same. It is a global norm.
President Carter had even written to Ayatollah Khomeini, calling him “Your Excellency” and warning of attempts to sabotage U.S.-Iran relations. But the Soviet-aligned factions weren’t limited to guerrilla groups.
In 1985, during the McFarlane Affair (Iran-Contra), the U.S. tried to reestablish ties, trading arms for hostages held by Hezbollah. But as the Soviets caught wind of this, they activated their networks. The MEK—now operating out of Iraq—began a new phase of betrayal with Soviet backing.
Russia has always feared a nuclear-capable Iran aligned with the West. After the death of Hassan Tehrani Moghaddam, who had been developing the indigenous Bavar-373 system to rival Russia’s S-300, the project was severely delayed. Simultaneously, Iran sued Russia for breach of contract over the S-300 deal.
Later, using the MEK, Russia exposed Iran’s nuclear program, achieving a diplomatic victory: the West pressured Russia for non-cooperation, while Iran offered more concessions to secure covert support. In the end, Russia won on both sides.
And finally, with the assassination of Tehrani Moghaddam, Russia eliminated a key obstacle to its dominance in Iran’s defense sector.
So, when we say that Iran is tragically colonized by Russia, it is not a metaphor—it is a documented and bloody reality that spans decades.
